Milestones in the History of the Lebanese Maronite
order
Father Karam Rizk Director of the Institute of History,
University of the Holy Spirit, Kaslik
The
Beginnings of the Lebanese Order and the Syriac Heritage
Clearly
it is no easy undertaking to write the history of
an institution which is already three hundred years
old. What might be said then of trying to tell the
story of its evolution in only a few pages and to
give a description of all its varied activities and
of all the complex relationships it has established
for itself? What further complicates the task is that
the sources used in our research belong to a distant
and troubled past so that the documents required are
few and far between. However, we have accepted this
labour, taking advantage of the efforts deployed in
this field by our predecessors Fathers Louis Bleybel
and Maroun Karam, as well as by many others. We have
also based ourselves on the earliest documents that
we have been able to lay our hands on.
The
Lebanese Maronite Order, founded in 1695, was the
result of a renewal of monastic life which was the
work of three young Maronites, Gabriel (Jibrayel)
Hawwa, Abdallah Qaraali and Joseph (Yusuf) al-Bite,
all from the city of Aleppo. They belonged to leading
Maronite families with a reputation for piety. Having
felt a call to the monastic life, they discussed the
matter among themselves and then with their close
relatives, who in order to reduce the risk of failure
suggested that they should go to Lebanon in the guise
of pilgrims or merchants. This they finally did.
As
soon as they reached the Monastery of Our Lady of
Qannubin, which since the year 1440 had been the seat
of the Maronite Patriarchate, they presented themselves
to Patriarch Stephen (Estefan) Dweihy (1670-1704)
and disclosed to him the secret of their religious
call. He questioned them closely, insisting on the
austerity of the monastic life followed in places
that had little to offer in the way of resources or
safety from danger, whereas they themselves had grown
up in a social class enjoying some ease and prosperity.
The young men, however, told the Patriarch of their
firm convictions and their strong belief in their
vocation. His Beatitude thereupon gave his blessing
and encouragement to their initiative and, on August
1, 1695, even went so far as to offer them the Monastery
of Saint Maura (Mart Moura), at Ehden. This marked
the very beginning of the Order.
How
can we place these three founders of the Order in
relation to the Maronite, Syriac and Antiochean monastic
tradition?
Ever
since its birth, the Maronite Church has been closely
bound up with the monastic and community life which
grew up around Antioch, the political and spiritual
capital or “metropolis” of the Christian
East. It was the only Church to have been actually
nurtured in a climate of monastic life and it was
to the activity of the monks of the Monastery of Saint
Maroun that it owed its development and territorial
extension.
The
Maronite Church, having taken root in Lebanon in the
seventh century, brought monastic life to flourish
there in its early form, known to us thanks to Afrahat
(†275) and Saint Ephraem († 373). They
were the first to describe the ascetic existence of
the anchorites as it was before monasticism became
organized. A little later, Bishop Theodoret of Cyr
(393-460) wrote an outline of the history of the great
monastic current that developed around Antioch.
Some
of the monks who followed the path of asceticism in
search of Christian perfection withdrew to the hidden
retreats to be found in the wilderness, places remote
and hard to reach, while others took to the recesses
of caves or the tops of stone columns. A certain number
built primitive monasteries in which they took refuge.
That they found enough to live on was due to the extreme
austerity that they practiced, following the guidance
of masters who were already far advanced in the spiritual
life. They acquired great virtue and set n excellent
example, without however following the sort of written
Rule that organizes every minute of the existence
of monks and brings them together by submitting them
all day long to liturgical ordinances and practices.
They were not living in communities under the authority
of a local superior nor together with other communities
under the authority of a superior general.
The
Maronite monks followed this primitive style of Syriac
monasticism2 more or less intermittently right up
to the beginning of the twentieth century. The hermits
from the village of Ehmej exemplified this sort of
existence as recently as the nineteenth century. They
offered the Order a waqf (property held in mortmain)
known as Ruwayssat Annaya, making possible the construction
there of the Monastery of Saint Maroun at Annaya.
Their final adherence to the Order occurred in 1838.
What
were the causes of the decline of monastic community
life?
Perhaps
the quarrels over theology and dogma, which intensified
from the fifth century onwards, as well as the pressure
exerted by the Arab invaders, who transformed Northern
Syria into a battleground between themselves and the
Byzantines, all tended to undermine the foundations
of a system which throughout history has rarely been
equaled. These same causes led candidates for the
monastic life, rudely put to the test by these tribulations,
to abandon a way of perfection that was giving way
under the blows it was suffering° despite the
solidity of its foundations and its wide extension
even into the great empires of Asia, an extension
known to us from the missionary results of the preaching
and from the various manuscripts, writings and architectural
vestiges which remain to us. These then are some of
the external factors that can be considered responsible
for the decline of monasticism.
If,
on the other hand, we analyze the internal factors
contributing to the form taken by the Maronite Church,
we see that the Maronite monks abandoned their strict
organization and their role as leaders, after having
contributed greatly to creating and strengthening
the Maronite Patriarchate. This institution was on
a firm footing from the end of seventh century and
became responsible for Maronite affairs in general,
so perhaps the attachment of the monks to the patriarchate
and the force of the patriarchal authority took the
place of any formal law or monastic Rule.
When the three future founders reached Lebanon, they
came to a Land where there was already a large number
of monasteries, particularly in the regions of Jbayl
Jibbet Bsharri, and even in Kesrouan, where they had
become more numerous since the sixteenth century The
Maronite patriarchs and Bishops, followed in due course
by students from the Maronite College in Rome, had
been living in monasteries around Jbayl and in North
Lebanon ever since the Middle Ages. There can be little
doubt that the young: men turned their eyes towards
the monasteries of Mount Lebanon because of their
comparative vigor. Bishop Joseph Simon (Yusuf Simaan)
as-Simaani, like Patriarch Dweihy, noted the growing
number of monasteries in Mount Lebanon in his famous
letter written on March 1, 1735, to present the first
regulations for monasteries, known as The Black Rules
printed in Rome the same year. As-Simaani enumerated
more than twenty-two monasteries already existing,
mostly in the region of Jbayl and Jibbet Bsharri,
as well as eight others in Kesrouan and parts of the
Shouf. This invalidates the theory according to which
the founders came to a country bereft of inhabitants.
As-Simaani stressed the continuity of monastic life
in the Orthodox and Eastern Catholic Churches, including
the Maronite. The letter of as-Simaani, as well as
the very precise works of Dweihy, are rightly considered
as an attempt in advance of its time to give an account
of monasticism over the years preceding his own lifetime
and, as such, constitute very important sources of
reference.
However,
as-Simaani makes something of a mistake when he describes
the Lebanese Order as Antonine, declaring that “God
took a vine from Egypt, and it is thanks to his succor
that the Order extended from Egypt to Greater Syria.”
Monastic
life in Lebanon goes back a very long way. Its roots
are to be found in the tradition described by Afrahat
and Ephraem, the former in his Demonstrations and
the latter throughout his writings, in particular
Anasheed al-Ferdaws (Hymns to Paradise), Anasheed
al-Imam (Hymns to the Faith), Maqalat Dudda al-Haratiqa
(Articles against the Heretics), Manzumat Nsaybeen
(Carmina Nisibena) and Anasheed al-Battuliyya (Hymns
to Virginity). After one has read these works, no
further explanation is necessary The Syriac version
of the biography of Ephraem, relating how he spent
eight years of his life among the Egyptian monks,
is no more than the fruit of a vivid imagination depicting
Egypt as the paradise of monks and as the source of
all inspiration for the monastic schools. In point
of fact, The Lausiac History, written within fifty
years of Ephraem's death, makes no mention of any
journey made by him to the land of Egypt.
What
is more, none of the present specialists in Syriac
studies is of the opinion that monasticism came to
Syria from Egypt. Afrahat and Ephraem were both familiar
with Antiochean eremitic life and brought to general
notice the existence of the Brotherhood of the Sons
and Daughters of the Covenant which had been at the
heart of Syriac monasticism. These devotees formed
“congregations” within the Church and
consecrated their life to chastity, virginity and
self-renunciation in order to bear witness to Christ.
It is most likely that during the last years of his
exile in Edessa Ephraem had made the acquaintance
of a kind of monastic life that was organized. Indeed,
when writing about this period of his activity, he
makes reference to actual monasteries.
Sometime
during the fifth century, the monk Rabboula drew up
a collection of religious regulations arranged in
twenty-five articles, the earliest work of its kind
that has yet come down to us. Rabboula had received
the monastic habit in the Monastery of Marcion (Marqiyanus)
near Qinnisreen, before being appointed Bishop of
Edessa. He was followed by others who added to his
regulations, which were expanded and in due course
translated into Arabic.
All
that has just been said makes it perfectly clear that
the Maronite form of monasticism is essentially of
Antiochean Syriac origin. The exploits and apophthegms
of the Desert Fathers appearing in the writings, authentic
or otherwise, mostly attributed to St° Anthony
(Mar Antonios) (251-356), were introduced into Syrian
practice little by little, although it must be said
that the Father of Monks left no formal written Rule.
When Anthony (Antonios) became famous, thanks to the
writings of Athanasius as well as to oral tradition,
the rumour spread that it was he who had founded monasteries
in Lebanon, including the Monastery of St. Anthony
(Mar Antonios) at Quzhayya. The credit given to St.
Anthony for founding all the various orders, including
the Lebanese Order, has two reasons, namely his personal
fame on the one hand and the neglect of the Antiochean
Syriac monastic tradition on the other. The founding
of the Confraternity of St. Anthony (Sharekat Mar
Antonios) and the widespread habit of wearing a so
called St. Anthony's Amulet (Ketab Mar Antonios) to
ward off danger both served to consolidate this belief.
The Monastery of St. Anthony (Mar Antonios) at Quzhayya
then acquired such great importance, both material
and spiritual, that our Order was called the Order
of Quzhayya. It was even said everywhere that if all
the other monasteries of the Order were destroyed,
but that of Quzhayya continued to prosper, then the
Order would be in no peril. But if on the other hand
Quzhayya were to be destroyed, no other monastery
would be in a position to rebuild it.
The
Period of Reorganisation (1695-1742)
The
Antiochean Syriac monastic tradition is a very rich
one and is characterised by two tendencies, one towards
the individual anchoritic life and the other towards
the organised community life. When the three founders
decided on the monastic life in Lebanon, the system
of organised monasteries had lost much of its lustre.
In his memoires, Qaraali describes his experience
at the Monastery of Our Lady of Tamish, where there
was a community of nine monks and also a group of
nuns, without any superior, constitutions or vows,
but living simply according to tradition. “In
all innocence and simplicity”, he said, “They
lived a life which was all very well for the good
elements among them, but dangerous for the bad ones.”6
A hundred years earlier, Dandini had made a similar
observation.
Basing
themselves on these remarks, contemporary scholars
have often concluded that the founders had decided
to introduce a reform. But there is a world of difference
between reform and renewal. Reform can be the occasion
of a complete split or result in the creation of a
different structure, whereas renewal is generally
something occurring within a collectivity. The latter
is typical of the great long-established Orders of
the Church and the fact is that our founders were
nowhere explicit about the real aim of their project.
It
was on November 10, 1695, that the three founders
received the hooded monastic habit, blessed by Patriarch
Stephen (Estefan) Dweihy himself, at the Monastery
of Our Lady of Qannubin. Ever since, this date has
been considered to mark the founding of the Order
and it is on this basis that it holds it, General
Chapters. The St. Maura (Mart Moura) Monastery was
chosen to be the Mother House. It was there that they
were joined by Gabriel (Jibrayel) Farhat at the end
of the same year. The founders set about organising
their way of life and began to receive new vocations.
They elected Gabriel (Jibrayel) Hawwa as Father General
(1695-1699). Qaraali drew up regulations under twenty-two
chapter headings, later reduced by him to fifteen.
The foundations were established for General Chapters,
for Special Chapters and for the order of precedence
of Assistants. It was decided that a General Chapter
would be held every three years and terminate with
the election of representatives who would designate
the superiors of the Order. It would seem then that
the year 1698, when this was accomplished, was a year
rich in achievement.
However,
it was not long before discord raised its head, for
in 1699 the founders disagreed among themselves about
the purpose of the Order. Hawwa wanted an Order that
was essentially missionary, with a Father General
designated for life. Qaraali together with the majority
of the members wanted an Order of monks living in
community and carrying on an apostolate as circumstances
allowed. Finally, it was the point of view of Qaraali
that was adopted, and he was elected Father General
by six successive General Chapters, from 1699 to 1716,
the year in which he was appointed bishop of the diocese
of Beirut. As for Hawwa, Patriarch Dweihy urged him
to withdraw to the St. Maura (Mart Moura) Monastery
to found his own religious order. Having failed in
his enterprise, he went to Rome three years later
with the intention of buying a printing press. He
took up permanent residence there and did not return
to the East until sent on a mission there by the Apostolic
See. In 1723, he was nominated bishop of the Maronites
in Cyprus.
In
1699, Gabriel (Jibrayel) Farhat, “suffering
from dissatisfaction”, withdrew from the Order
and settled for a time in Zghorta, busying himself
with the education of children and the preaching of
the Gospel. But he returned to it in 1705 and succeeded
to Qaraali as Father General. He directed the Order
with considerable wisdom and understanding for seven
consecutive years (1716-1723), enriching it with his
spiritual and literary writings, some composed by
himself and some translated from various sources.
In 1725, he was chosen to be bishop of the diocese
of Aleppo.
Neither
Qaraali nor Farhat sought ecclesiastical honors. It
caused them great suffering to be obliged to leave
the Order to which they were so deeply attached, and
they took care of its interests even when they had
assumed new responsibilities.
They
confided the monastic covenant to those who formed
a second generation and were worthy of their mission.
The founders had given them a thorough preparation,
which enabled them to face difficulties with firmness
and resolution. Among these were two who were marked
out by their tenacity: Michael (Mikhayel) Iskandar
al-Ehdeni and Thomas (Touma) al-Labboudi al-Halabi.
The first pioneers and their immediate followers worked
hand in hand in order to find a coherent juridical
formula capable of ordering all aspects of monastic
life. In drawing up the Constitution, the founders
relied on the experience, patience, sense of realism,
and spiritual and psychological insight that they
had gained over the years. They drew on the Syriac
and Eastern tradition, as well as on the Constitutions
of the Carmelite Friars and the Jesuits. Patriarch
Dweihy in 1700 and Patriarch Jacob (Yaaqoub) Awwad
(1705-1733) in 1725 put the seal of their approval
on the result of these efforts. The latter introduced
three new chapters concerning humility, patience and
brotherly love. Finally, it was considered necessary
to obtain authorisation from Rome, as the difficult
problems which had affected the Maronite Church and
also touched the Order itself during the rule of Patriarch
Jacob (Yaaqoub) Awwad had convinced the legislators
of the need to have the guarantee of the Apostolic
See for their common enterprise. In 1727, following
the suggestions of as-Simaani, Father General Michael
(Mikhayel) Iskandar (1723-1735, 1741-1742) made the
journey to Rome. In collaboration with Father Yuwassaf
Dibsi al-Biskintawi and with the approval of his Council
of Assistants, he drew up the rules in their final
form. Pope Clement XII (1730-1740) confirmed them
on March 31, 1732, by a papal bull and in 1735 they
were printed in the Arabic language with Syriac characters
“Karshouni” and in the Latin language
by the press of Propaganda in Rome at the expense
of the Order. The title given was The Constitution
and Monastic Statutes of the Brotherhood of the Lebanese
Order. This Rule, commonly known as the Black Rule,
remained in vigor until 1938, when it was replaced
by the Red Rule.
Monsignor
as-Simaani, a learned specialist in Church matters
and the principal author of the new Rule, kept the
eighteen chapters, giving them the structure of the
modern Western monastic Rules. These Rules gave the
Order greater immunity against its detractors, allowing
it better to defend itself. They formed a basis for
the various Eastern religious orders and were a model
of Maronite legislation. This body of law perhaps
made it possible to know the features with which the
Maronite Church should be endowed; further, it hastened
the holding of the Lebanese Synod, which was the answer
to a desire often expressed by the Lebanese Monks.
This important synod was in session at the Monastery
of Our Lady of Louaize between the end of September
and the beginning of October 1736. The Lebanese Monks
paid for much of the expense entailed and made an
important contribution to the results. This keen attention
to questions of organisation allowed the Order to
have a large say in the decisions concerning the Maronite
Church.
In
addition to realizing these considerable achievements
in matters of organisation, the Order continued developing
and extending, with the number of vocations rising
steadily. Further, in 1706 Qaraali had given it the
name of Lebanese Order, retained until now in order
to stress its steady growth in Mount Lebanon. In this
way, a firm organic relationship, like an umbilical
cord, was established between the Order and Lebanon.
Most
of the Maronite monks in the pre-existing communities
adhered to the new Order and entrusted their possessions
to it without reserve. The diaries of the monasteries
give detailed figures about the responsibilities that
the Order assumed as a result. We see that monasteries
were restored, new storeys were added, debts were
cleared, taxes were paid and pastoral service provided
for the people of the country around.
The
vibrant dynamism of the new movement was soon to bear
fruit. Nine monasteries adhered to the Order, in addition
to those occupied at the outset of its existence,
starting with St. Maura (Mart Moura) on August 1,
1695, and St. Elisha the Prophet (Mar Elisha an-Nabi)
at Bsharri on April 1, 1696. In February of 1706,
the Order obtained a foothold in the Shouf with the
Monastery of St. John (Mar Yuhanna) at Rashmaya and
in 1706 in Kesrouan, with the Monastery of Our Lady
of Louaize. In the following year, it acquired the
Monastery of St. Anthony (Mar Antonios) at Sier near
Rashmaya, and on July 5, 1708, the Monastery of St.
Anthony (Mar Antonios) at Quzhayya. With no let-up
in its activity, it built a monastery in 1710 dedicated
to the Holy Virgin (Azra) at ad-Drayb, near Qbayyat,
although this was subsequently abandoned. In 1712,
it received the Monastery of Sts. Peter and Paul (Butrus
wa Boulos) at Kraym at-Teen near Beit Shabab; in 1727,
that of Our Lady of Tamish; in 1728, that of St. Elias
of Shwaya; in 1734, the religious house in Trip; in
1736, the Monastery of Our Lady of Mashmoushe; and,
in 1737, that of Our Lady of Hawqa.
In
1736, the Order founded the Convent of St. Elias ar-Ras,
the first canonically erected house of Lebanese Maronite
Nuns, thus respecting the regulations which had forbidden
once and for all monasteries with members of both
sexes. The result was a disagreement which had consequences
that lasted until 1823, when Patriarch Joseph (Yusuf)
Hobeish (1823-1845) put an end to them thanks to his
firmness of principle.
In
1737, the Order opened houses in Cyprus and in Acre
(Akka, North Palestine) in order to serve the Maronites
in those areas. This provoked a conflict with the
Latin-rite missionaries, who considered that they
alone had the prerogative of ministering to the Maronites
in these two regions, as well as in Beirut and Tripoli.
In
order to meet the needs of the faithful and to honour
its engagements, the Order rented several pieces of
real estate, the most important of them at Baklik
in Ain Baqara, and some others at Sibaal. In 1713
it paid the taxes imposed on the property of dhimmis
(protected religious minorities) and in 1715 took
possession of the mill of Abi Ali in Tripoli.
Growth,
however, was not without its problems. A certain number
of those who had made a vow to give their possessions
to the Order took them back and then once again made
a gift of them. The Order ran up debts and began distributing
a part of the debt (18,327.30 piastres) among the
individual monasteries, while the Mother House took
responsibility for paying the rest.9 It seems likely
that these debts did not include the six thousand
piastres offered by the Lebanese Order as a contribution
to the expenses of the Lebanese Synod. In 1739, Father
General Thomas (Touma) al-Labboudi (17351741) estimated
the interest to have reached six thousand piastres.
This financial drift caused some concern to Qaraali
and was the source of difficulties which were to have
negative repercussions later on. By then, during its
first forty years, the number of monks who had adhered
to the Order had reached 210.
It
was at this time that the form of the religious habit
of the Order was decided upon. It was cut out from
one whole piece of cloth without any opening in front,
in order to distinguish it from the cassock of the
secular clergy. It was woven from wool, of which there
was plenty available locally and which was therefore
much cheaper than imported cotton. The same applied
to the small monastic hood, while the shirt was made
of cotton. Al-Labboudi did his best to send some of
the monks to the Franciscans in order to learn weaving,
encouraged by promises of help from as-Simaani.
The
Protocol, designating the order of precedence among
the monks, was established by the Rule and consecrated
by custom, the Father General having precedence over
all the other monks. Like a bishop, he had the right
to wear and carry pontifical insignia. After him came
the assistants in order of grade: first, second, third
and fourth. Then in order of precedence came the superior
of the Monastery of St. John (Mar Yuhanna) at Rashmaya
and that of St. Anthony (Mar Antonios) at Quzhayya,
followed by the other superiors according to the date
of their vows and their age. The proper salutations
were also laid down.
The
founders of the Order were particularly concerned
about spiritual questions, which they considered to
be the keystone for the continuity of the community.
They composed several books intended to define the
character of the Order, to develop and refine its
spirituality, and to give guidance for the formation
of the personality of its members. Their works had
a great influence on the spiritual and intellectual
life not only of the Maronites but also of the other
peoples of the Middle East. They made it possible
for subsequent generations to draw upon a source of
Eastern spirituality which would never dry up and
which would water the whole region.
The
riches of this great heritage have not yet been sufficiently
studied, whether on the spiritual level or on the
level of the history of letters and of thought. Traditional
historians have given only the scantest attention
to the subject. Insofar as we are concerned here,
while fully aware of the importance of this question
and of its role as an integral part of the glorious
history of our Order, we must content ourselves with
a simple mention supported by some evidence, while
promising a detailed study in the future that will
take sufficient account of it. As for the formation
of the monks and the personnel responsible, this is
a subject that cannot be dealt with in these pages,
even though we recognise its importance.
The
spirituality of the Order shows itself through the
various ascetic practices, the intellectual exercises,
the writings of the founders, the reading matter,
and the continued formation of those already professed.
Qaraali
finished his explanation and interpretation of the
Constitution of the Order in 1721. His work was entitled
al-Misbah ar-Ruhbani fi Sharh Qanun al-Lubnani (The
Monastic Lamp for the Explanation of the Lebanese
Rule). It was widely used in all the monasteries of
Lebanon and the Middle East, where several copies
are still to be found. In particular, there is a copy
at the Monastery of St. Anthony (Mar Antonios) in
Rome, dated 1721, in the hand of the author himself
and also a manuscript at the Maronite Bishopric of
Aleppo, No 440, dating from 1727. In 1956, the Lebanese
priest of the Aleppine, now the Mariamite, Order,
George (Jerjes) Mourani, ha it printed by the Samya
Press, Beirut. This book, with its variety of sources
and wealth of content, was the daily bread of the
monks, second only to the Gospels. The sections composed
by Qaraali, namely the poems and the Ephraemiyot,
made the round of churches and monasteries in 1727,
touching a responsive chord in the spiritual sensibilities
of the people, who took them to their hearts and showed
their appreciation. However, they sown gave rise to
a polemic, as the Maronite hierarchy considered them
to be too modern and also to foreign to Maronite belief
and religious ritual custom.
When
Qaraali became bishop of the sea of Beirut, very delicate
post at a period when the overwhelming majority of
Maronites still inhabited the mountain fastnesses,
he composed a book of thirty-two chapters entitled
Mukhtasar ash-Sharia, or Summary of the Law, and a
similar one entitled Fiqh Fatawa al-Lubnani, or Lebanese
Jurisprudence. He did all this at the request of the
authorities of the Maronite Church, who ever since
the Middle Ages had been trying to put its legislation
on a firm footing. These works of the bishop constituted
the most complete collection yet made, for they contained
the essentials of all the constitutions since the
Romans, including those of the emperors Theodosius
and Justinian and of the Arabs. Can there be found
anywhere a work which is more open and all-embracing?
If
we add to the collection of Qaraali the decisions
taken during the General Chapters and Councils of
Assistants, and all the contracts and property title
deeds relating to mortmain and coownership, etc, we
have a legal and socio-economic heritage unique of
its kind. The scholar can find the manuscripts of
the two works in the archives of Bkerke, the older
one dating back to 1734. Peter (Butrus) Ghaleb edited
extracts from The Summary in numbers 5 and 6, 1930
and 1931, of La Revue patriarcale. In 1959, Paul (Boulos)
Massaad edited the complete text. As for Fiqh Fatawa
al-Lubnani, it exists only in manuscript form. More
recently, Father John (Hanna) Alwan analysed these
two works in the thesis he presented at the Lateran
University in 1985.
As
for Gabriel (Jibrayel) Farhat, who emulated Qaraali
and surpassed the latter in several domains, he wrote
a number of works, the earliest of which are the following:
-
Al-Muthallathat ad-Durriyya, or The Scintillating
Triads, written at the Monastery of St. Elisha the
Prophet (Mar Elisha an-Nabi) at Bsharri in 1706.
-
The book, al-Khutab al-bihiyya, or Ecclesiastical
Speaking, in 1707.
-
Diwan Farhat, or Collection of Farhat, a masterpiece
of science and literature running through several
editions.
-
Al-Kamal al-Massihi, or Christian Perfection, composed
when Farhat was Father General.
-
Al-Ihrab an lugat al-Ahrab, or Grammatical Analysis
in the Arabic Language, going back to 1723. One copy
of this work is to be found in the library of the
Church of the Resurrection in Jerusalem, and two copies
in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris, numbered
Par.ar. (4279, 4280). Rushayd ad-Dahdah had it printed
in Marseille in 1849, not without some additions.
He gave the book the title Ahkam Bab al-Ihrab an lughat
al-Ahrab or Rules of Analysis in Arabic.
-
The Synaxarion (martyrology) of the Saints, completed
in 1724.
-
Balug al-Arab fi Ilm-il-Adab or Eloquence of the Arabs
in Literature. In this work, Farhat developed paranomasis
and different figures of rhetoric.
There
is one copy written in the hand of the author himself
to be found in the library of the Maronite Diocese
of Aleppo and another in the British Library under
the reference ar.chr 34 (1699). Inaam Fawwal edited
the first part, about paranomasis, published by Dar
al-Mashraq, Beirut, 1990, in the series Texts and
Studies (Nussous wa Durouss), 280 pages.
-
Bahth al-Mataleb fl Ilmil-arabiyya, or Subjects Treated
in Arabic Grammar. This is a valuable source of reference
for anyone studying Arabic morphology, syntax and
grammar and was for a long time used as a school manual
in Lebanon. It has gone through several editions,
the latest of which were published in quite recent
times.
The
works of Farhat hold a twofold interest: there is
their mastery of the linguistic and literary forms
in Arabic and there is the transmission of religious
culture, the examples used for illustration being
all taken from the Holy Bible and from the teachings
of the Church Fathers. In the year 1725, the founders
gave clear definition to the spirituality of the Order
by setting up the Confraternity of St. Anthony (Sharekat
Mar Antonios). We have already mentioned the influence
which this saint had on popular Maronite piety13 and
this was further reinforced by the founders when in
1727 they had his biography printed. At the same time,
they fixed the periods of fasting and the cycle of
religious feasts.14 In doing so, they brought into
oriental piety certain elements of Western practice
which they had been accustomed to in Aleppo. In 1727,
they adhered to the Company of the Rosary and subsequently
to the Confraternity of the Scapular of Our Lady of
Mount Carmel. They declared the feast of Corpus Christi
to be a holy day in the Order and from 1743 onwards
the Passion of Christ was commemorated every Friday
evening of Lent.
Such
were the heroic beginnings of the Order, a period
often known as the First Golden Age.
A
Period of Trials (1742-1770)
It
was not long after the deaths of the founders, Farhat
in 1732 and Qaraali in 1742, that the former Father
General, Thomas (Touma) al-Labboudi, was called to
Rome to answer certain charges brought against him.
In 1742, a most serious conflict arose within the
Order that was to last more than a quarter of a century
and which terminated in 1768 only by its division
into the Lebanese, or Baladite, Maronite Order and
the Aleppine Order, now called the Maronite Mariamite
Order.
Historians
have devoted long study to this period fraught with
trials, publishing a great number of documents related
to the partition. Their opinions vary. Father Louis
Bleybel consecrated the second tome of his history
to the affair and Abbot Peter (Butrus) Fahd, the fourth
tome of his collection.
In
our view, despite the upheaval resulting for the Order,
the Maronite Church and the Lebanese mountain area,
the whole affair should be relegated to the past.
We
see then that after this conflict, from December 1744,
there were two authorities in the Lebanese Order simultaneously.
There were several efforts to bring about reconciliation
and unification, but by 1748 they had all come to
nothing and the division became final in the year
1753. Patriarch Joseph (Yusuf) Estefan (1766-1793)
recognized this situation in 1768 and Pope Clement
XIV (1769-1774) confirmed it by the bull of July 19,
1770.
At
this time, the number of the Lebanese Monks had reached
190, of whom only one had come from Aleppo, while
there were 61 Aleppine Monks, of whom 5 were Lebanese.
It should be noted that most of the monasteries that
had come to the Order during the period of conflict,
such as St. Michael (Mar Mikhayel) at Bnabil (1756),
St. George (Mar Jerjes) at an-Naameh (1757), and St.
Moses the Ethiopian (Mar Moussa al-Habshi) at Duwwar
(1757), passed into the hands of the Baladite (Lebanese)
Order.
In
1766 Prince (Amir) Yusuf Shehab handed over to the
Lebanese Baladite Order the administration of the
monasteries and their properties in the regions of
Jbayl and Batroun, thanks to the efforts of his two
agents Sheikhs Saad Khoury and Simon (Simaan) Bitar.
The Order took on full responsibility and, in this
way, there was considerable development of the monastic
and Christian presence in the whole area. Further,
the taxes coming from the property were a welcome
addition to the treasury of the Shehabite prince.
The
Period of Development and Prosperity (1770-1832)
The
Lebanese Maronite Order lost little time recovering
from the disagreeable consequences of the division.
It entered into a new period, lasting about 62 years,
covering the latter part of the 18th century and the
first part of the 19th. During this period, nearly
twenty General Chapters were held, during which those
monks who had shown themselves best fitted for administrative
duties were appointed to the positions of greatest
responsibility. The Order recovered the dynamism of
its beginnings and once again played a pioneer role
in the organization of the Maronite Church. It took
part in the regional synods which confirmed the decisions
of the Lebanese Synod of 1736 and put an end to the
difficulties raised by the strange case of the nun
Anne Hindiye Ujaymi (1720-1798).
The
Order played host to the Synod of Mayfouq, held in
July 1780 in one of its monasteries, and covered its
expenses.17 It was consulted on the various questions
concerning the Maronite Church, proving itself worthy
of trust. Thus it was that in 1783 Cardinal Antonelli
consulted Father General Mark (Morcos) Haddad al-Kifaai
about the reliability of Patriarch Joseph (Yusuf)
Estefan and in 1784 Patriarch Stephen (Este fan) himself
called in the Order to help administer the Maronite
Church.18 It took part in the Synod of Watal-Jowz
in September of 1786, and sent a strong delegation
to the Synod of Bkerke held on December 13, 1790.
The Order was represented by Father General Emmanuel
(Ammanouil) Gemayel (1790-1793, 1796-1799, 1802-1805,
1808-1810) and with him his assistants Mark (Morcos)
al-Kifaai, Naamatallah Najjar and Emmanuel (Ammanouil)
ar-Rashmawi, the latter also representing the bishop
of Aleppo. It was during this synod that the father
general was admitted in the Maronite hierarchy as
coming immediately after bishops in order of precedence.
The Lebanese Order allotted the Maronite Patriarchate
a regular payment of money to be used as need arose,
and this sum was increased with the passing of the
years.
By
participating effectively in the regional synods,
the Lebanese Order hoped that there would be effective
coordination between itself on the one hand and the
Maronite patriarch and bishops on the other in matters
relating to their mission of pastoral service in the
country and education in the schools. Generally speaking,
it was able to overcome the obstacles in its way,
particularly in churches in the region of Jbayl and
Saint Thecla at Mrouj. It acquired exclusive rights
for the distribution of the so-called St. Anthony
(Mar Antonios) books and the giving of indulgences.
It was, however, unable to obtain the consecration
of one of its monks as bishop, something which would
have enabled it to have its own priests ordained at
its own altars.
This
was also a period of great activity in the field of
printing, though it has to be admitted that the books
published were only liturgical works giving the prayers
used by the monks in their daily worship. As it had
done once before, the Order acquired a printing press,
which it first set up in the Monastery of St. Moses
the Ethiopian (Mar Moussa al-Habshi) at Duwwar, and
then in the early 19th century moved to the Monastery
of St. Anthony (Mar Antonios) at Quzhayya. Considerable
sums were spent on further equipment and general upkeep,
but the typographical procedures remained very traditional
and primitive up to the second half of the 19th century,
and the supply of books could not meet the demand.
Spiritual works were still copied by hand and reliance
continued to be placed on the presses of the Congregation
for the Propagation of the Faith at Rome when a large
number of copies was required. Ash-Shbiyyeh, the Collection
of Prayers, the work of the brothers living in Rome,
was printed in 1781; the Breviary and Diaconal were
printed in the Monastery of St. Moses the Ethiopian
(Mar Moussa al-Habshi) in 1789;21 and The Anaphora
of the Mass was printed, for the first time in 1816,
at the Monastery of St. Anthony (Mar Antonios) at
Quzhayya. However, Monsignor Joseph (Yusuf) Dibs,
Bishop of Beirut, had the last named reprinted at
the end of the 19th century.22 The Breviary also was
reprinted, this time at Rome, where Father Athanasius
ash-Shmuti was sent in 1828, staying until 1830. Mr.
Matthew (Matta) Shehwan supervised the proofreading
and Mr. Ghantous Kouba contributed to the cost.
There
were no new works composed beyond some of quite secondary
importance, hardly worth mention and not bearing comparison
with the literary output of the early days of the
Order.
As
for economic development in this period, known as
the Order's second golden age, there was appreciable
progress. The Order consolidated itself in the centers
where it was already established and set up new houses
in areas where it had not previously been active.
We give here a summary of its achievements in Mount
Lebanon.
-
In 1771, it rented a terrain on the slopes of Mount
Toura from the Birrohs, notables of Kfarhouna, subsequently
acquiring full ownership and attaching it to the Monastery
of Our Lady of Mashmousheh.
During
the same year, it began construction of the Church
of St. Joseph (Mar Yusuf) at Baskinta.
As
for the Order's extension into new regions, it should
be noted that in 1771 the family of the Abillama princes
(amirs), the feudal overlords of Zahleh, made the
Order a gift of a piece of land there for the construction
of a religious house (ontosh) and a church destined
to serve the peasants who worked for them.
-
In 1772, it reached agreement with the Hamadehs for
joint exploitation of Kfarshilli Farm near Mayfouq.
-
In 1773, the Monastery of St. Abda was founded at
Maad and a school built there the following year.
-
In 1781, half the land of St. Shina at Kfarzayna was
bought from the sheikhs Daher29 and half the land
at Mjaydel, Koura, was rented from Sheikh Ghandour
Khoury and attached to the Convent of St. Elias ar-Ras.
During the same year, a lease was taken on land at
Bsarma belonging to Prince (Amir) Ali Shehab, payment
being made of the taxes.
-
In 1785, the Monastery of St. Anthony (Mar Antonios)
an-Nabaa at Beit Shabab was received in mortmain from
the Ashqar family.
-
In 1786, fallow land was bought from a benefactor,
Sheikh Kanaan Nakad, near the Monastery of St. George
(Mar Jerjes) at an-Naameh, and in 1801, half of Jal
al-Bahr was also acquired and attached to this monastery.
-
In 1788, Prince (Amir) Yusuf Shehab left a legacy
of land at Wadi Shahrour for the construction of a
school for the children of those working there.
-
In 1792, the Order was given the Church of St. Thecla
at Mrouj.
-
In 1800, property at Beit ash-Shaar and Frayke was
given by the Ghossoub family in mortmain.
-
In 1805, the Order received the pious legacy of Suzan
(Suzanne) Germain, a property at Aashash. This gift
brought with it certain complications and there was
a lawsuit brought, but the whole affair was settled
by gentleman's agreement in the year 1832.
-
In 1806, property was received in mortmain at Ban
for the construction there of a school.
-
In 1811, Prince (Amir) Bashir Shehab offered Father
General Ignatius (Ghnatios) Bleybel (1811-1832) a
terrain at Maallaqat Zahleh, for the construction
of a religious house (ontosh) and a church to serve
the peasants. However, the prince imposed certain
difficult conditions; for example, forbidding the
Order to employ his peasants and workmen or to use
their beasts of burden.
The
arrival of the Order in these regions strengthened
the Christian presence in the Beqaa Valley and in
the regions overlooking it, at the same time confirming
the links between this area and Mount Lebanon.
-
As from 1814, the Monastery of St. Maroun was founded
at Annaya and land bought at Kfarbaal was attached
to it.
-
The Order stepped up its presence on the heights above
Jbayl. In 1815, it received in mortmain the property
of the Monastery of Sts. Sergius and Bacchus (Sarkis
wa Bacchus) at Qartaba, where it was decided to found
a school for the benefit of the local inhabitants.
-
The purchase of an orchard at Ajaltoun, in 1818, involved
the Order in cer - tain difficulties. Thanks to Prince
(Amir) Bashir II, in 1827 the Order was able to buy
land situated around Laqlouq and attach it to the
Monastery of Our Lady of Mayfouq. Father General Ignatius
(Ghnatios) Bleybel concerned himself personally with
these affairs, so contributing personally to the consolidation
of the Christian presence in the areas affected.
-
In 1831, the Order founded a school at Ras al-Matn,
but because of the departure of the princes (amirs)
of the Abillama family from the region, this was abandoned
in 1898.
The
Ottoman walis, or governors, never gave up harassing
the Shehabite princes (amirs) throughout this period.
They seized crops, extorted money, killed the inhabitants
and seized property in the Mount Lebanon. Driven by
their greed, they exploited the region according to
their whims without a hint of pity for the population
or concern for the good of the country. So did the
despotism and exactions of the Ottoman tyrant Ahmet
Basha go down in history.
Governors
and feudal lords used the most far-fetched pretexts,
or none at all, in order to extort taxes from the
Order. Oppressed by this fiscal burden, the Order
many times requested the authorities to review the
official “cadaster” or land register in
order to put an end to tyranny and injustice. The
cadaster meant the survey of land in order to fix
the boundaries of property, to estimate its productive
capacity and then to decide what taxes should be paid
on it.
The
following examples may serve to show what this could
imply. In 1787, Prince (Amir) Yusuf Shehab designated
a commission to survey the lands belonging to the
Monastery of St. Anthony (Mar Antonios) at Quzhayya.44
In 1791, Prince (Amir) Bashir II imposed an exaction
of thirty purses on the Order. Following the intervention
of Father General Emmanuel (Ammanouil) Gemayel, the
prince halved his demand, reducing it to the sum of
8,400 piastres. The Council of Assistants decided
that the burden of payment should be shared among
the different monasteries. In 1802, the sons of Prince
(Amir) Yusuf Shehab made a survey of the lands of
the monasteries Saints Cyprian and Justina (Qibriyanus
wa Yustina) at Kfifan and Saint Elias ar-Ras. In 1812,
Prince (Amir) Bashir II imposed an exorbitant tax
on all the property of the Order in the regions of
Jbayl and Batroun, but modified his demands at the
request of Father General Ignatius (Ghantios) Bleybel.47
He had a new land survey made for the monasteries
of Zawiye, at the request of Father General Bleybel,
in order to put an end to the injustices committed
against the Order.
Often
the Order paid not only the taxes being exacted on
its own property but also those imposed on the peasants
using its land and on the poor. It considered this
action to be a national duty, which would help ensure
the stability and legitimacy of the Shehabite emirate
and the autonomy of Mount Lebanon where it had imposed
itself. Father General Ignatius (Ghantios) Bleybel,
who was seven times elected head of the Order, administering
it for approximately twenty-two years, deserves much
credit for showing such understanding. In fact, there
was a solid bond of friendship between Father Bleybel
and Prince (Amir) Bashir II Shehab.
But
Prince (Amir) Amin, son of Prince (Amir) Bashir, turned
against the Father General for having refused to lend
him the price of the farm at Majdel Agoura. The prince
encouraged a group of monks who were in league against
their superior, complaining of his long extended mandate
that had exasperated the opposition against him. When
the General Chapter met at the Monastery of Our Lady
of Tamish in 1832, the majority of the monks present
were inclined to renew the mandate of Bleybel yet
again. However, the minority staged what would now
be called a sit-in strike at the Monastery of St.
Joseph (Mar Yusuf) at al-Bourj. The Maronite Patriarchate
acted as mediator between the two parties and as a
result of its action Father Bleybel gave up his position
of Father General in order to avoid any danger of
division in the Order. As a compromise, Benedict (Mubarak)
Hlayhel was elected Father General (1832-1835).
In
this way, there ended a period which was to have important
repercussions in the years to follow.
The
Time of Transformation (1832-1913)
This
period of change and upheaval lasted eighty-one years.
Eighteen Father Generals succeeded each other in authority
over the Order, some of them for more than one term,
whether elected or appointed. Some, on the other hand,
were unable to finish even one term, whether because
of illness or because of death. Once during this time,
in 1889-1891, there was a Vicar General, Father Yuwassaf
Unaysi al-Jaji.
At
the beginning of the period we are now dealing with,
in 1834 to be precise, the number of monks rose to
573, of whom 211 were priests, 313 were coadjutor
brothers and 49 were student brothers in the monasteries
of Sts. Cyprian and Justina (Qibriyanus wa Yustina)
at Kfifan, and St. Maroun at Bir Snein.
In
1908, the monks numbered nine hundred, of whom seven
hundred were priests and two hundred were brothers.
At the beginning of the mandate of Father General
Martin (Martinos) Saba al-Ghostawi (1875-1889), the
Holy See issued an order forbidding the noviciate
to accept candidates for the monastic life. In 1884
the order was rescinded, with the restriction that
novices could be received only at the Monastery of
St. George (Mar Jerjes) at an-Naameh.
During
this same period, a number of monasteries, centres
and schools were founded, most of them detached from
the former properties of the Order, as we shall show
further on. A history covering these years has yet
to be written. In point of fact, Fr. Louis Bleybel,
the historian of the Order, stopped short at the year
1832. Fr. Maroun Karam, for his part, gives some general
observations and some figures in his Qissat al-Mulkiyya
(History of the Property) and Ruhban Dayitna (Monks
of Our Village), but he neither analyses them nor
does he describe their evolution.
We
shall mention in brief certain external and internal
factors, whose interaction in our society led to the
breakdown of the traditional classes politically,
economically and culturally, causing what we have
described as a transformation marking the history
of Lebanon as a whole, as well as of the monastic
life of the country.
In
the political sphere, conflicts opposing the European
powers came out into the open in the regions that
concern us here, undermining the foundations of the
Shehabite emirate and leading to chaos and disaster.
After the withdrawal of the Egyptians from Mount Lebanon
in 1840, the Great Powers added fuel to the fire of
the bloody sectarian clashes that opposed the Druze
to the Maronites in 1841, 1845 and 1860. They installed
weak regimes in the mountain area, namely the direct
military government of the Ottoman Turks, the two
caimacamates, or sub-prefectures, and the regime of
Shakeeb Effendi, all of which were replaced in 1861
by the Mutasarrifate (governorate), the latter having
on the whole the approval of the Lebanese.
The
Order suffered terribly during these crises, as a
result of which no less than thirty-six monks met
their death. As for its property, there were losses
estimated at hundreds of millions of piastres. Most
of the monasteries in the Matn and the Shouf were
pillaged and put to sack. The monks drew on their
resources and made good their losses as best they
could. With their habitual tenacity they set about
carrying out repairs, making good the destruction
and rebuilding what had been destroyed in order to
ensure the continuation of their mission and to show
their fidelity to authentic, active co-existence in
the Mountain.
In
the economic sphere, from 1830 onwards, the Industrial
Revolution invaded the region, bringing it into the
framework of international trade. European merchandise
flooded the local market and sapped the very foundations
of the rural economy. The commercial treaties concluded
between the Great Powers and the Ottoman Empire in
1838 and 1861 defined the methods to be followed by
the exchange, subjecting transport and Customs to
taxes totally inadapted to the local forces of production
and to the costs they incurred. Trade was stepped
up year by year, increasing the demand for liquid
currency. This encouraged the inhabitants to hoard
money in order to meet the demands of the new kind
of life and to pay the taxes.
The
monks submitted to these new conditions with considerable
reluctance. Like so many other Lebanese, they pushed
ahead with the cultivation of mulberry trees and raised
silkworms, since the production of silk responded
to the commercial demands of the time. In this way,
they were able to obtain the cash without which they
could not procure the necessities of life, pay off
their debts or pay the taxes. As far as was possible,
they tried to build up this fragile sector of the
economy, often affected by epidemics among the silkworms
and by various fluctuating political and economic
factors. At the end of the 19th century, they were
obliged to purchase silkworm eggs directly from France.
This activity remained their most important economic
resource, to the point where the area of arable land
was measured in the sums of money devoted to planting
mulberry trees. Shortly before World War I, the Ottoman
authorities imposed a blockade on the Mountain, stifling
the silkworm farmer and his industry. After the war,
silk production was replaced by new cultures, with
the development of orchards of apples and other kinds
of fruit. The silk-spinneries continued to function
at a lower tempo until the sixties of the 20th century,
witnesses of a more prosperous past, and then closed
their doors for good.
During
the second half of the 19th century, a new social
class appeared, formed of commission agents and brokers
who took over the culture of silkworms, taking advantage
of the decline of the traditional aristocracy and
of the readiness of the farmers to turn to them to
ensure the sale of their produce. They made enormous
profits and gained considerably in importance in Lebanese
society. Even the monks made use of their services
in order to find a market for their produce.
During
the second half of the 19th century, the Order began
to devote a part of its active forces to the apostolate,
teaching in schools and serving in parishes. It was
thus obliged to rely more and more on the labour of
others to exploit its lands rather than on that of
its own members. These people were either peasants
associated in sharing investment and profit, or seasonal
labourers. However, with the economic crisis growing
ever more acute and the cost of living steadily rising,
the former were increasingly obliged to concern themselves
exclusively with their own business. The pool of seasonal
labour steadily declined and the reduce number of
workmen on the labour market led to a rise in salaries.
For example, at the beginning of the century a day-labourer
earned a half piastre per day, while at the end of
it he was demanding two piastres, This sudden inflation
resulted in an economic stagnation which cost the
Order dearly, The largest monasteries, such as St.
Anthony (Mar Antonios) at Quzhayya and Our Lady of
Mashmousheh, ran into deficit while others staggered
under a crushing burden of debt.
This
economic crisis drove the Order to rely to a greater
degree on the system of sharecropping. This method
of co-ownership worked well enough and with considerable
regularity. The monks considered that backing the
interests of their sharecroppers was an integral part
of their humanitarian mission, and they considered
both parties to be on an absolutely equal footing.
The Order therefore put its possessions at the disposition
of its associates, offered them seed and tools as
well as more than half the crop, paid their taxes,
assured them protection and educated their children.
However,
the economic crisis grew steadily more acute, undermining
the traditional close relationships. It gave rise
to complicated economic and social problems, which
began to raise their heads in 1861, when the inhabitants
of Btiddeen al-Liqsh sued the Monastery of Our Lady
of Mashmousheh. The Order won the case thanks to its
lawyer Fr. Ignatius (Ghantios) Shukri, who advised
Father General Laurence (Laurentius) Yammine ash-Shababi
to put copies of the report of the case in the archives
of the Mother House at the Monastery of Our Lady of
Tamish and in those of the monasteries of Our Lady
of Mayfouq and St. Anthony the Great (Mar Antonios
al-Kabir) at Quzhayya, and also to send further copies
to the Maronite Patriarchate and the other Orders,
so that they would be in a better position if similar
cases arose in the future. Events were to show that
the lawyer-priest was farsighted, for the problem
of opposition by the sharecroppers and local populace
of Btiddeen al-Liqsh to the Monastery of Our Lady
of Mashmousheh came to the surface again at the end
of the 19th century and on the eve of the First World
War (1914-1918). Inspired by charity towards the neighbours
and a desire for good understanding and peace, the
Order ceded its rights. Sharecroppers of al-Arbe brought
up complaints against the Monastery of Quzhayya, but
in this case the Order fought and won the case, thanks
to Fr. Joseph (Yusuf) Raffoul, after having lost large
sums of money.
The
long-lasting economic recession brought about a large-scale
emigration of the working force, including many of
the sharecroppers exploiting monastery lands. These
were in the habit of relying on the monasteries to
look after the needs of their families, and in this
duty the monasteries did not fail.
During
the depression, the possessions of the Order, resources
that the nation could fall back on and that were the
fruit of centuries of toil, became the cynosure of
jealous eyes and there were irresponsible individuals
who called for their requisitioning and redistribution.
Calumnies were spread repeatedly without any consideration
of past history or concern for the future.
In
later years, the State violated the principle of private
property by carrying out public works on the Order's
land without the least compensation. This happened
in particular at the Karantina, where quarantine quarters
and an isolation hospital were built together with
a gas company. There was also the destruction of a
religious house (ontosh) in the centre of Beirut to
allow the widening of a road, again without compensation.
The attitude of the Order was one of acceptance of
the situation in view of the public interest. The
same sort of situation exists now with the property
at an-Naameh and Damour.
As
far as culture and education were concerned, ever
since 1830 Protestant, Catholic and Orthodox foreign
missionaries had been stepping up their activities
aimed at promoting education in our country. It should
be pointed out here that by the time of the Mutassarifate,
all the social classes in the country were demanding
education.
Wishing
to maintain its vanguard role in society, the Order
remained in direct contact with the Lebanese population
in which it had its roots, the mentality of which
it was thoroughly familiar with, and which it had
taken on itself to educate ever since its foundation.
So it also developed its educational activity, founding
a great number of schools scattered over all parts
of the country. The most important were the schools
of Beit Lahya founded in 1836, Ras al-Matn in 1831,
ash-Shbaniye in 1839, Himlaya in 1849, Ain Zebde in
1853, al-Azra and Kfarheyal in 1854, al-Mtayn in 1866
(St. Joseph "Mar Yusuf ", restored). Jezzine
Valley (Wadi Jezzine) in 1873, Ighbe in 1890, Beirut
(for the seminarists of the Order) in 1891, Saqiy
Rashmaya, Shqadeef and Baabdat in 1896, Batha in 1904
and Turzaya in 1932.
Some
of these schools did not remain open very long. Nevertheless,
their number indicates clearly the missionary path
that the Order was following. Limiting themselves
generally to the primary level of education, these
schools contributed as far as it was possible to the
elimination of analphabetism. As for the foreign missions,
it was they who generally provided instruction at
higher levels.
As
a consequence, there was a dynamic cultural movement
in Lebanon, which gave it a leading role in the Arab
world, and a new class of intellectual workers appeared.
These people devoted themselves to the liberal professions,
such as teaching, medicine, journalism and law. Public
administration absorbed a large number of highly competent
people who found no outlet in economic development.
It will be seen, therefore, that this cultural movement
had some negative repercussions on the country when
it resulted in an excessive drift of the work force
towards teaching and other professional careers. The
rudimentary methods of formation in the more practical
crafts then prevailing did not allow any progress
in agriculture, nor did they permit the development
of a thriving industrial sector. Neither the local
authorities nor the Ottoman Empire were concerned
with making good the deficiencies from which the economy
suffered. As far as literary inventiveness is concerned,
scholars have found no works of value from this period.
Translation was at a standstill and printing was limited
to liturgical books, to some theological translations
and to certain books considered to have historical
value. In 1856, the Order bought a printing press
which it installed in the Monastery of Our Lady of
Tamish. Manuscript production continued.
As
a result of the disorder prevalent in the region,
there was a deterioration in the internal situation
of the Order. The superiors and the monks of the various
monasteries withdrew into purely local interests,
neglecting to attend the periodical meetings for coordination
and concertation. This resulted in a progressive intervention
of Rome in the affairs of the Order. One example may
be seen in the fact that the vicars apostolic, who
were the bishops for the Latins and at that time represented
Rome to the local Church (translator's note), were
obliged to designate the Father General of the Order.
Fr. Saba Kraydi al-Aqouri was the first to be designated
in this fashion, in 1845, followed by Fr. Laurence
(Laurentius) Yammine ash-Shababi in 1850 and again
in 1856, following the so-called Synod of Shwadih.
Ash-Shababi extended his authority over most of the
monasteries in the region of Jbayl and Hadath al-Jibbe.
Those of the Matn and the Shouf put themselves under
Fr. Arsenios an-Nihawi, who had been elected. Ash-
Shababi and an-Nihawi were reconciled in 1859 shortly
before the decease of the latter and the Order became
united once again under ash-Shababi, who remained
the elected Father General until 1862.
In
order to ensure the continued unity of the Order,
Rome had recourse to the system of apostolic visitation,
with which task Monsignor Joseph (Yusuf) Geagea, Archbishop
of the Maronite Diocese of Cyprus, was charged between
1857 and 1874. Fr. Ephraem Geagea of Bsharri was at
the head of the Order from 1862 to 1874.
Afterwards,
the vicar apostolic, a man of Italian origin, Ludovici
Piavi (1875-1889), was appointed apostolic visitor.
His stormy temperament rendered him unable to use
his authority to settle problems without having recourse
to violent methods. He replaced the Arabic text of
the Lebanese Synod of 1736, which safeguarded the
autonomy of the Maronite Church and the attributions
of the Patriarchs, by the Latin version and even tried
to make the choice of patriarchs and bishops subject
to investiture by the Ottomans. He ignored the regulations
of the Lebanese Order and tried to win the favour
of Rustum Basha (Turkish Pasha, governor), and so
provoked increasing opposition from within the Order,
supported by the patriotic movement led by the popular
hero from Ehden, Yusuf Bek Karam. This angered the
vicar apostolic, who together with the ruling power
tried to suppress this resistance.
It
happened by chance that at that moment Mutassarif
Rustum Basha was on a visit to Ehden. There, he convoked
the monks of St. Anthony (Mar Antonios at Quzhayya,
who were harassed and humiliated. While a number of
them were being led by the soldiers to the prison
of Beit ad-Dine and were passing along close to Batroun,
some of their brethren from the monasteries around
Jbayl and Batroun tried to come to their rescue. However,
a force composed of gendarmes arrived and seized the
would-be rescuers. Once they had arrived at the prison
of Beit ad-Dine, the monks were submitted to forced
labour and, as a result of this treatment, some of
them died. It was the first time that such an incident
had happened in the Ottoman Empire. The Council of
Assistants of the Order thereupon decided on certain
measures, by virtue of which some of the monks of
St. Anthony (Mar Antonios) at Quzhayya were transferred
to nearby religious centres, to which some of the
lands were at the same time attached.
The
successive apostolic visitations limited the field
of action of the General Chapters of the Order. The
last ten years of the 19th century were marked by
calls for reform. All eyes were on Fr. Benedict (Mubarak)
Salameh al-Mtayni, formerly at St. Joseph's University,
run by the Jesuits in Beirut. During his term as Father
General from 1891 to 1895, Father Benedict (Mubarak)
did all in his power to restore normality, but, because
of the complications mentioned above and because of
the short time he was in office, he was unable to
attain his objectives. In 1893, a Jesuit, Fr. Martin
(Martinov), drew up an outline for the first project
of reform which was revised by the Sacred Congregation
for the Propagation of the Faith and then presented
to the monks. A letter addressed to the monks by Father
General Martin (Martinos) Shemali (1895-1899) presented
the same considerations and Patriarch Elias Hwayek
(1899-1932), for his part, made similar recommendations.
Subsequently,
Vicar Apostolic Duval took over the apostolic visitation.
This time, Rome took care to ensure the participation
of Patriarch Hwayek. This particular visitation lasted
from 1898 to 1907 and was marked by abusive interference
in the affairs of the Order by bishops close to the
Patriarch.
Father
General Joseph (Yusuf) Raffoul (1904-1910) set about
defending the Order with a courage, sang-froid and
skill which recall the qualities, enthusiasm and zeal
of the monks of the first generation, particularly
Thomas (Touma) al-Labboudi. Indeed, Raffoul and al-Labboudi
both shared the same fighting spirit, intelligence
and, to a large degree, the spirituality of Qaraali
and Farhat. Raffoul attached all the documents deemed
necessary to the secret report, which he addressed
to the Sacred Congregation of Propaganda at the Apostolic
See, with the result that this particular visitation
was wound up in 1907.
This,
however, meant only the beginning of a new apostolic
visitation covering all three Maronite orders, with
which three Latin-rite monks were charged. Two of
them later withdrew and the duty was confided to Fr.
Galland. With the support of Fr. Raffoul, Fr. Louis
Bleybel, the historian of the Order, waged a virulent
underground press campaign against the visitation,
obtaining the blessing of Patriarch Hwayek, who saw
in the visitation a diminution of his prerogatives.
The newspaper al-Munazer (The Correspondent) of Naoum
Labaki al-Baabdati described the ups and downs of
this campaign, which was also backed by al-Bashir
(The Messenger). A stop was put to the visitation
during the First World War, but it was resumed in
1922.
The
proper approach to the various problems became clearer
thanks to Fr. Galland, who himself analysed the shortcomings
and stated them in a long report concerning the three
orders made in 1911. A series of short studies was
drawn up with a view to treating each order separately,
but these studies were not rendered public. It was
at this time that Fr. Louis Bleybel began writing
his history of the Order. Father General Raffoul presented
a most valuable study of its laws and regulations,
emphasising his long experience in the matter of their
application. He attached to it an economic survey
in which he evaluated the resources of the Order between
1904 and 1907, putting them at 2,763,790 piastres.
From this sum the expenditure of the various properties
necessary for their maintenance was subtracted. The
average daily outlay for each member of the Order,
which counted some eight hundred monks, nuns and novices,
was three piastres and five baras. This covered all
expenses for the monk, “who used it to cover
the cost of unforeseeable but necessary building work,
shared it with his guest and his servant (from whose
hands it passed to those of people greedy for gain)
and also drew on it to face natural catastrophes.”
Fr. Raffoul's remarks are comparable to those made
by Fr. Labboudi one hundred and fifty years previously;
also, he was the first person to establish a relationship
between the number of monks and the volume of their
production. From the productive labour force he excluded
novices, students and the aged. This calculation gives
us some idea of the state of agriculture early in
the 20th century in a Lebanese institution engaged
in agriculture as its principal resource.
It
should be mentioned here that the apostolic visitation
continued until 1952 and was restarted in 1991.
Father
General Genadius Sarkis (1910-1913) tried to put the
economy on a firm footing, following up the initiatives
of Father General Joseph (Yusuf) Raffoul. He organised
the Department of the Econom-General, charged with
running the business side of the Order. He addressed
a letter to all the superiors of houses, urging them
to pay attention to maintaining the archives of the
Order and advising them on how they should organise
the records, diaries and ledgers of each monastery.
He sought to have the Monastery of St. Elias at Kahlouniye
set aside for those wanting to lead a strictly cloistered
life. He also began to apply the distinction between
simple or temporary vows and solemn or permanent vows.
However, the uncertainty preceding World War I (1914-1918)
prevented the full realisation of these projects.
It
may be said that the second half of the 19th century
ended on an optimistic note. It had been a period
of much building activity, with new monasteries and
schools as mentioned above and new centres of activity
made independent of the old monastic houses.
Here
is the list:
-
In 1840, the Monastery of St. Jacob (Mar Yaaqoub),
al-Hosn, near Douma. Its property was detached from
that of St. Anthony (Mar Antonios) at Houb, to serve
the Maronites of the region.-
In 1845, the Monastery of St. Rock (Mar Roukoz) at
Mrah al-Mir. Its property was detached from the Mother
House of the Order at Nahr as-Saleeb and Ajaltoun,
in order to help the service of souls.
-
In 1847, the Monastery of St. Anthony (Mar Antonios)
at Jdaydeh, and the Monastery of St. George (Mar Jerjes)
at Aashash. Their property was detached from the Monastery
of St. Anthony (Mar Antonios) at Quzhayya.
-
In 1847, the Monastery of St. John Maroun (Mar Yuhanna
Maroun) at Qubbayaa. Its property was detached from
the Monastery of St. Elias at Kahlouniye.
-
In 1847, the Monastery of St. Artemius (Mar Shallita)
at al-Quttara. Father General Laurence (Laurentius)
Yammine ash-Shababi took charge of its construction
in 1851.
-
In 1851, the Monastery of St. George (Mar Jerjes)
at Deir Jannin, in a state of ruin when the Order
received it from Bishop Paul (Boulos) Kassab.
-
In 1854, the Monastery of Saints Peter and Paul (Butrus
wa Boulos) at Azra.-
In 1855, the religious house (ontosh) of St. Anthony
(Mar Antonios) at Jaffa.
-
In 1858, the religious house (ontosh) of Our Lady
(Saydeh) at Baalbek.
-
In 1863, the Monastery of the Holy Saviour (al-Mukhalles)
at Bhannin.
-
The Convent of St. Simon Stylites (Mar Simaan al-Amoudi)
at al-Qarn, Aytu. In 1863, the Order accepted it from
Bishop Paul (Boulos) Moussa so that it could serve
for looking after the affairs of the nuns.
-
In 1876, the Monastery of Our Lady of Deliverance
(Saydet an-Najat) at Bsarma. Its property was detached
from the Monastery of St. Anthony (Mar Antonios) at
Quzhayya.
-
In 1879, the Monastery of Our Lady of Victory (Saydet
an-Nasr) at Ghosta, founded as a school for young
people entering the Order; it incarnates the magnificence
of monastic
architecture of the time.
-
In 1894, the Convent of St. Maroun at Qnaytra, built
for the benefit of the Lebanese Maronite Nuns.
-
In 1897, the Convent of St. Joseph (Mar Yusuf) at
Jrebta, likewise built for the nuns.
-
In 1907, the Monastery of St. Anthony (Mar Antonios)
at Nabatiye. Its property was detached from the Monastery
of Our Lady of Mashmousheh.
This
present introduction is necessarily too brief to allow
any discussion of the motives behind the construction
of the various monasteries and religious centres.
In
addition to the direction towards the apostolate taken
by the Order during this period, the reader will observe
the tentative beginnings of reform. Father General
Saba Kraydi al-Aqouri had sent a first group of monks
to follow studies at the college of the Jesuit Fathers
at Ghazir, hoping that at a later date they would
be able to run the schools belonging to the Order.
Father
General Benedict (Mubarak) Salameh al-Mtayni maintained
this agreement when the Jesuit Fathers moved to Beirut
and there founded St. Joseph's University, which comprised
a faculty of philosophy and theology. In 1891, the
Father General paid Elias Mhawesh, a Maronite of Beit
Meri, a sum of one thousand French gold pounds for
a residence in Abd al-Wahab al-Inklizi Street near
St. Joseph's, intended for the students studying at
the University. In this way, the Order returned to
Beirut and is still installed there. The graduates
of St. Joseph's devoted themselves to educational
and scientific questions in the Order. Then, in 1950,
the University of the Holy Spirit was founded at Kaslik,
a dream long cherished, and took over the intellectual
formation of the young monks.
Nobody
is likely to forget the face of St. Sharbel, the hermit
of Annaya, who shed his light over his century before
giving his soul to God in 1898. The news of his miracles
spread around the whole world and he was canonised
for the whole Church in 1977.
St.
Sharbel and his many brother monks, living in religious
communities or alone in hermitages, incarnate an authentic
spiritual heritage still very much alive, which is
the very essence of monastic life and guarantees the
continuity of the Lebanese Maronite Order, despite
the internal crises and the outside upheavals which
have affected it.
This
spirituality springs from attachment to Our Lord Jesus
Christ, the observance of the teachings of the Gospel,
the strict observance of the Constitution, and the
practice of prayer, fasting and self-sacrifice. The
daily striving after sanctity refines the personality
of the Lebanese monk, marks his conduct with distinctive
signs and makes the Order a school of Christian perfection
which teaches the road to Heaven. St. Sharbel, the
Venerable al-Hardini, Blessed Rafqa and many others
have simply been witnesses to the Christian ideal.
They put an indelible mark on their society by the
simplicity of their convictions and they affirmed
immutable values and virtues. The faithful strive
to imitate them, while imploring their intercession
and visiting their tombs. This spiritual dimension
is the leaven in the dough for society and still attracts
vocations to the monastery.
The
Period of Opening out and Expansion throughout the
World (1918-1995)
The
20th century has been a time of radical change, both
in Lebanese society and in the world at large. All
this has imposed important educational, social and
national obligations on the Order, obligations which
it had a duty to shoulder and of which it had to bear
the cost, for the State was not yet ready to assume
responsibility for all the transformations that were
taking place. The factors making for change have multiplied.
Worldwide conflicts have arisen, overturning political
and economic systems and, as a result of the fighting,
transforming the demographic structures. Peoples have
become intermingled and the rate of emigration has
risen sharply. Inventions and discoveries have followed
each other in quick succession, with repercussions
on the level and quality of the organization of work.
The worldwide network of ground, sea and air communications
has made giant progress. Family life, and indeed the
very conception of it, has been radically altered,
largely because of the new conditions in people's
homes following the introduction of electro-mechanical
household appliances once undreamed of. Quite ordinary
families have refrigerators, washing machines, telephones,
radio sets and TV receivers, and now personal computers
and the fax.
The
Order has not been left behind in this progress of
our country Lebanon and has contributed to it insofar
as its principles, its means and its possibilities
have allowed and the situation permitted. It had long
become used to accepting burdensome responsibilities,
most of all in critical times. When the First World
War broke out, when tens of thousands of Lebanese
perished, when many more suffered from famine and
when uncounted numbers had to endure the blockade
and every sort of injustice and loss of ordinary liberties,
the Order joined forces with the Maronite Patriarchate
so as to ease the people's sufferings and misfortunes.
Father General Ignatius (Ghnatios) Dagher (1913-1929)
mortgaged all the Order's possessions with the government
of France for a sum of two million gold francs, which
were devoted to relieving those in dire poverty and
need.
There
was a similar drama during the Second World War (1939-1945).
Once again, the Order played the Good Samaritan and
opened the doors of its monasteries, in particular
the Monastery of St. George (Mar Jerjes) at an-Naameh,
to the refugees and people in desperate straits. The
civil authorities awarded Father General Basil Ghanem
(1938-1944) the Gold Medal as a token of thanks for
the sacrifices willingly made by the Order.
Father
General John (Yuhanna) Andari (1944-1950) followed
the example of his predecessors in 1948 by opening
the monastery doors to the refugees from Palestine.
Father General Moses (Mousses) Azar (1950-1956) took
special care of the victims of the earthquake that
struck Lebanon in 1956. From its general funds, the
Order allotted considerable sums in compensation for
damage.
When
the war of 1975 broke out in Lebanon, uprooting tens
of thousands of Christians from their homes, their
villages and their lands, Father General Sharbel Qassis
(1974-1980) mobilised all the resources of the Order
in order to come to their aid. It was he who founded
the Lebanese Front, cornerstone of the Christian Resistance,
and so brought the Lebanese Cause into the mainstream
of contemporary history.
Father
General Paul (Boulos) Naaman (1980-1986) followed
this national line, putting it on a firmer foundation.
He conducted discussions at the highest level with
the political forces in order to find a solution for
the problem of Lebanon. He gave his attention to the
displaced persons, the forgotten people of the war.
In 1984, he had three buildings constructed for them
on the lands f the Monastery of Our Lady of Succour
(Saydet al-Maounat), overlooking Jbayl.
Father
General Basil Hashem (1986-1992) gave help and encouragement
to the free school of Blessed Rafqa, which operated
until 1993 with six hundred pupils spread over the
primary and complementary classes. In addition, the
Order encouraged charitable works, and its monks made
every effort to serve the displaced persons who had
fled from Damour and other localities, giving them
the pastoral services they needed. Some members of
the Order set up special restaurants where those clients
who were now poor and needy could obtain their meals
free. Other members did their best to remedy the evil
consequences of the war by forming an organisation
to look after sick people who had fallen victim to
drug abuse.
These
various initiatives made some contribution towards
easing the lot of those who had suffered from the
dramatic situation resulting from the war. However,
the Order did not perform acts of charity only during
times of trial, but also sought to ease the suffering
endured by people under conditions of ordinary existence.
In 1949, it founded the Hospital of Our Lady of Succour
(Saydet al-Maounat) in Jbayl and in 1973 transferred
it to its present site on a hill directly overlooking
the town. It did all in its power to equip it with
the most modern laboratories and material, as well
as with a medical staff chosen from among the very
best specialists, so that now the hospital ranks as
one of the most important in the country.
As
the whole region between Jbayl and Tripoli was without
any medical centre, in 1964 the Order built the St.
Sharbel Hospital at Batroun, ceding it in 1972 to
the Lebanese government. The year 1964 also saw the
construction of the orphanage and hospice of Our Lady
of Lebanon (Saydet Lubnan) at Harissa. It now shelters
hundreds of children, providing them with the conditions
necessary for a decent education, and takes care of
the elderly, assuring them all the services they need.
The
Order has been purposefully gaining experience in
every field, particularly in teaching and the apostolate,
and is therefore in an excellent position to serve
Lebanese society, which is now evolving rapidly and
aspiring to progress in the modern ways of life. In
point of fact, it has been active in education ever
since its foundation, for the Lebanese Synod gave
strong encouragement to education and approved decisions
making it obligatory and available free for boys and
girls alike. For those times, such measures could
be considered revolutionary.
The
Order was determined to put these decisions into practice,
and its primary schools have always accepted pupils
belonging to all different social classes and religious
communities. At the beginning of the 20th century,
the need for complementary and secondary education
became more urgent, which explains why, in 1919, when
there were sessions at the Conference of Versailles
devoted to the future of Syria and Lebanon, particular
attention was given the question of education. The
Lebanese called on the Father Generals to provide
instruction and the Order answered the successive
appeals and demands by founding colleges in most areas
of Lebanon, particularly in the rural areas in order
that the inhabitants should not be tempted to leave
them for the city. These colleges had classes for
all levels of schooling, primary, intermediate junior
high) and secondary (senior high). As for the ordinary
schools, in relation to the 19th century their number
went down. But as the influx of pupils increased and
more members of the Order became involved in teaching,
and as management became more complex and organised,
the remaining schools had to be separated from the
monasteries one after the other, and to be given their
own independent premises and budgeting. New institutions
were founded in conformity with the requirements of
modern education and equipped with the necessary material.
The school programmes were adapted to the teaching
methods then being introduced. These schools and colleges
bore comparison with the leading scholastic establishments
in the East and even with those in Europe. They transformed
their milieu and made a reputation for themselves
thanks to the efforts of their teachers, the assiduity
of their pupils, and the confidence and satisfaction
shown by the people. They operated in cooperation
with the Ministry of Education, had good relations
with foreign embassies, and organised yearly scientific
and sporting events, with trips in Lebanon and abroad
serving cultural purposes and at the same time providing
enjoyment. By 1944 these colleges were becoming so
important that the Order found itself obliged to institute
a new post of Director General of Schools in its General
Authority for their supervision. The first to occupy
this position was Fr. Joseph (Yusuf) Torbey, later
Father General (1962-1968).
The
most important schools run by the Order are as follows:
The School of Our Lady of Mayfouq founded 1922
The School of Our Lady of Mashmousheh founded 1922
The School of St. Maroun, Bir Snein founded 1936
St. George's School, Aashash founded 1945
The Lebanese College, Beit Shabab founded 1945
St. Anthony's School, Shikka founded 1947
St. Sharbel's School, Jiyye founded 1949
St. Anthony's School, Hamana founded 1951
St. Joseph's School, al-Mtayn founded 1951
The School of Our Lady of Tamish founded 1951
The Central College, Jounieh founded 1966
St. Elias's School, Kahlouniye founded 1967
These
schools were highly successful in giving instruction
to their pupils and forming their character. Former
students acceded to the most important posts in the
public and private sectors. But they could not be
economically self-sufficient. The salaries of the
teachers and other employees rose with the cost of
living. At the same time, there were poor and needy
parents who were unable to pay the school fees in
full. The government for its part provided no subsidies,
although its own schools were unable to absorb the
growing number of youngsters of school age. The Order
therefore allocated large sums of money for these
schools and many of its priests were employed in running
them. It supported them thanks to the produce of its
monasteries, sometimes finding itself obliged to sell
some of its property in order to sustain the effort.
During the nineteen-seventies, the Order entrusted
some of its schools to the government for a minimal
rent. The recent war (1975-1990) resulted in the destruction
of a number of them, such as St. George's (Mar Jerjes)
School at Aashash, where three monks had their throats
cut in 1975, St. Joseph's (Mar Yusuf) at al-Mtayn,
St. Elias's at Kahlouniye, St. Maroun's at Bir Snein,
and St. Sharbel's at Jiyye, the last-mentioned being
the only one so far to have reopened its doors, in
1991. The Order has as yet received no compensation
for its losses.
In
1976, after one year of war in Lebanon, the Order
felt that the handicapped victims had a right to a
decent existence and deserved the self-sacrifice and
devotion of others. It therefore transformed the college
at Beit Shabab into a hospital for them, while letting
its other schools continue to play their part in the
education of Lebanese society.
The
primary aim of the first members of the Order had
been to lead the life of anchorites and hermits. However,
this did not prevent it keeping the apostolate at
the centre of its preoccupations, without in so doing
hurting anybody's susceptibilities. The founders followed
this line and so did the succeeding generations. Monsignor
as-Simaani encouraged such a course and the Lebanese
Synod provided it with a framework. As a result, many
of the monks went off to work in such difficult regions
such as Akkar, the mountains of Lattakieh, the Beqaa,
Akka, Cyprus and Egypt.
The
apostolate of the Order ran up against many legal
obstacles and human interference because of the presence
of Western missionaries, the attitude of the Maronite
hierarchy and the problems arising from the enforced
contact between the monks and the ordinary people.
However, thanks to their praiseworthy conduct and
their energy, the monks overcame all these difficulties.
During the 19th century, they widened their field
of action. In point of fact, there were few villages
where the monks did not preach during Lent, strengthening
the faith of the inhabitants and promoting Christian
living and prayer. so it was that they gained the
people's trust, entering into their consciences and
their secrets, sharing their troubles and worries
and also their joys, helping to solve their problems,
accompanying them in their devotions and providing
them with the support of their advice and their guidance.
It
is impossible to give a complete list of all the monks
who were engaged in this spiritual activity or to
make a quantitative estimate of the results of their
efforts. The most concrete evidence that we have is
in the records of the Father General's office, where
we find innumerable demands made by the faithful asking
for services, even in the heart of the region of Kesrouan.
The apostolate of the Order was not confined within
the geographical frontiers of Lebanon; it was carried
to wherever there was need and to every country where
there were Lebanese immigrants. The sacrifices accepted
by the Order for the Diaspora resulted in a work of
great national and spiritual value.
The
following is a chronological and geographical table
of the missions of the Order outside Lebanon:
The
Monastery of St. Elias, Mtoushi. Cyprus founded 1737
The Dakkar Mission, Senegal founded 1949
The Mendoza Mission, Argentina founded 1952
The Sao Paulo Mission, Brazil founded 1954
The Abidjian Mission, Ivory Coast founded 1954
The Bamako Mission, Mali founded 1959
The Mexico City Mission, Mexico founded 1960
The Tucuman Mission, Argentina founded 1960
The Sydney Mission, Australia founded 1972
The London Mission, United Kingdom founded 1983
The Montreal Mission, Canada founded 1984
St. Sharbel's House, Suresnes, France founded 1987
The Caracas Mission, Venezuela founded 1988
In
view of the scale of its missionary work, in 1955
the Sacred Congregation for the Oriental Churches,
presided by Cardinal Tisserand, decided to proclaim
the Lebanese Maronite Order a missionary order.
The
previously mentioned radical transformations of Lebanese
society occurring in the course of the 20th century
have not prevented the Order from paying attention
to its purely internal affairs.Ever
since Father Ignatius (Ghnatios) Dagher was Father
General, the Order has concerned itself with the process
of the beatification and canonisation of its saints.
The Order considered that the sanctity of its sons
was the living proof of the depth and richness of
its spiritual heritage, as sanctity was the ultimate
goal of those adhering to it and the sure guarantee
of its future. We all know that St. Sharbel was canonized
in 1977. As for the causes of Blessed Rafqa and the
Venerable Naamatallah Kassab al-Hardini, these are
being followed up. Many others wait to have their
virtues made known.
Turning
to another matter, we observe that the Order has always
sought to renew its Constitution, in order to be more
in harmony with the times.
It
was during the term of Father General Martin (Martinos)
Torbey (1929-1938) that a commission was formed with
the purpose of studying it.
Father
General John (Yuhanna) Andari reactivated this commission.
The Congregation for the Oriental Churches verified
the authenticity of the Constitution resulting from
its labours and confirmed it in 1960, during the term
of Father General Ignatius (Ghnatios) Abi Sleyman
(1956-1962). It was applied for a trial period of
ten years. Its study was taken up again during the
mandate of Father General Peter (Butrus) Azzi (1968-1974)
and the commission finished its work in 1974. Great
efforts were made under succeeding mandates to amend
it.
At
the beginning of the mandate of Father General John
(Yuhanna) Tabet, February 4, 1993, the General Chapter
Extraordinary put the last touches to the texts of
the Constitution and monastic statutes so that they
could be published in their definitive form. Their
confirmation is expected soon.
The
joint studies and regular meetings within the Order
favor an atmosphere of dialogue and democracy, showing
that the Order is an institution that has every possibility
of continuing along the path now being followed.
During
this recent period, the Order has paid particular
attention to its younger members, concerning itself
with every stage of their formation. It chooses qualified
educators and learned and exemplary monks to train
them. Centers have been chosen which assure them all
the conditions of religious community life. In 1939,
the category of postulants was introduced to take
in those of twelve years and over whose thoughts were
turning towards the monastic vocation. The candidates
for the Order, with the exception of those doing the
noviciate, were then accommodated in the seminary
at Kaslik. So the Order reaped the harvest of what
it had sown and nurtured, giving education and spiritual
formation to sons who would carry on its work and
administer its resources.
The
University of the Holy Spirit at Kaslik, founded in
1950, is the outcome of many years of endeavor on
the part of the Order in the fields of learning and
instruction. It inaugurated a new era of an outlook
directed towards man, towards the world and towards
contemporary problems, The Order also sends some of
its monks to the universities of Europe and America
to complete their specialization. On their return,
they work in education, in research and in administration
in the institutions of the Order, particularly the
University at Kaslik.
The
University of the Holy Spirit at Kaslik has eight
faculties, including the Pontifical Faculty of Theology,
and three institutes. Its evolution and development
continue without break. It acts as a leaven in society,
thanks to the learning and abilities of its former
students and its intellectual output, which is taken
into account in the citadels of scholarship around
the world.
The
University of the Holy Spirit at Kaslik has distinguished
itself by fostering a liturgical and musical renaissance
in conformity with the decision of Vatican Council
II and with the needs of the Maronite Church. The
collection of liturgical books, which form much of
the output of its publishing house, expresses the
influence of this renaissance among the faithful.
Apart from the past and present production of the
University, the present phase has been marked within
the Order itself by the composition and translation
of works too numerous for us to mention here. Much
of this literature has been printed on the presses
operated by the Order, which has in addition produced
other publications for disseminating information,
in particular the reviews Al-Mina (The Port), As-Sanabel
(The Ears of Wheat), Awraq Ruhbaniyya (Monastic Leaves),
Kalimat ash-Sharq (Word of the East), Biblia, etc.
The
Order has launched the series Tariq al-Mahabbat (The
Path of Love) to teach the Christian religion by modern
methods. It also produces religious programmes on
radio and television, etc. No mission can be carried
on without the inspiration of the Cross of Christ.
The sacrifice of oneself and of one's worldly possessions
is the most striking witness to the sanctity of one's
mission. This is the witness that the Order has given
in company with the Lebanese people during the recent
disturbances in Lebanon (1975-1990). Three of its
sons fell martyrs at the Monastery of St. George (Mar
Jerjes) at Aashash, the two priests Fathers Anthony
(Antonios) Thamineh and Peter (Butrus) Sassine and
Brother John (Hanna) Maqsoud, on September 8, 1975.
Then there were Fathers Joseph (Yusuf) Farah and George
(Jerjes) Harb at the Monastery of St. George (Mar
Jerjes) at Deir Jannin, on January 18, 1976. Finally,
there was Father Francis Daher Abu Antoun at St. John
Maroun's (Mar Yuhanna Maroun) Monastery at Qubbayaa,
on June 29, 1982. Eight monasteries were looted and
destroyed in the Shouf and the Matn, while their monks
suffered the terrors of siege, persecution ion and
expulsion.
The
Order has returned to these regions, striving to rebuild
the monasteries and centers which were destroyed and
to re-establish good relations with the various Lebanese
religious communities. The grace of God has given
it the strength to refuse all compensation for the
extensive losses suffered. It therefore looks forward
to another centenary with intense faith, burning love
and well- grounded hope.
